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Using the California Wildfires
to Justify the “Healthy Forests” Bill?
By Thomas Michael Power
The "Healthy Forests" legislation sped through
the Senate recently, passing almost unanimously. The wildfire
storm that was sweeping across southern California at the
time, destroying thousands of homes and killing both residents
and firefighters, provided the impetus to pass legislation
that the authors claim will reduce the threat of such wildfires
in the future.
Watching legislation being drafted, amended, and passed is
always as stomach churning as watching the making of sausage,
but the use of the California fires to pass this legislation
is more disturbing than most legislative processes in its
disregard for the facts.
First, 90 percent of the lands burned by the southern California
wildfires were not forestlands but shrublands dominated by
head-high brush, grass, and chaparral. On most of these lands
there are few, if any, commercially-valuable trees that can
be removed by logging.
Second, the US Geological Survey issued a press release during
these wildfires pointing out that it was not past fire suppression
and resulting fuel buildup that were the cause of the chaparral
shrubland fires in southern California. The researchers also
pointed out that thinning these chaparral lands would have
no real effect on wildfires.
When 60 mile per hour Santa Ana winds are blowing, the fires
sweep through the chaparral in stand-replacing crown fires
regardless of whether previous fires had thinned out the vegetation
and reduced fuels. Large, intense fires in California’s
chaparral were equally common in the late 19th century before
widespread fire suppression was attempted.
Third, almost two thirds of the lands burned by the recent
California wildfires were on non-federal lands, beyond the
reach of the federal "Healthy Forest" legislation.
Protecting homes and human life in these fire prone and fire
adapted shrublands depends not on landscape-wide removal of
trees from federal lands but on the management of the vegetation
immediately adjacent to homes and the construction of homes
out of fire resistant materials.
Another focus of the "healthy forest" legislation
is to speed up hazardous fuel reduction efforts on public
lands by limiting the ability of citizens to appeal government
decisions that they see as wrong or dangerous. But just as
Congress was voting on this legislation, the General Accounting
Office – Congress’ independent, non-partisan research
agency – released its fourth analysis in two years on
the impact appeals and litigation have on the Forest Service’s
fuels reduction activities.
The GAO again found that citizen appeals and litigation were
not delaying fuels reduction. The GAO found that on 95 percent
of the acres where the Forest Service was trying to reduce
fuels, appeals did not prevent the activities from being ready
for implementation within the normal 90-day review period.
On 98 percent of the acres, there was no litigation.
Even the Forest Service did not claim that appeals and litigation
were the primary cause of the delays it experienced. Instead
it pointed to bad weather and the diversion of fuel reduction
funds into seasonal fire fighting as the primary reasons for
delay.
Of those fuels reduction proposals that were appealed 27
percent were modified or abandoned by the Forest Service.
Clearly the appeals process was working as intended, allowing
the Forest Service to interact with citizens, improve the
proposals or agree that some of the proposals were seriously
flawed and should go back to the drawing board. Our forests,
the Forest Service, and our democracy are better as a result.
If thinning forests far from where people live and shutting
down the public involvement that has actually been quite productive
will not protect people, homes, and communities, what then
is the explanation for the drive to pass this so-called "healthy
forests" bill?
It largely comes down to the timber industry seeking to regain
the privileged access to the commercially valuable timber
on public lands that it had for most of the second half of
the twentieth century. The horrible mess the timber industry
made of public lands with its sprawling, commercially driven,
clearcuts led to a public outcry that shifted forest management
back towards the original purpose of our National Forests:
protection of the full range of environmental values that
natural forests can provide, not just the extraction of commercial
products.
The timber industry now seeks to exploit our natural fear
of catastrophic wildfire and our desire for healthy forests
to renew their private commercial claim on those public forests.
The debate in Congress is over whether we are willing to be
frightened into yielding our public lands once again to those
private claims.
Thomas Michael Power is Professor of Economics and Chairman
of the Economics Department at the University of Montana.
He is the author of Lost Landscapes and Failed Economies:
The Search for a Value of Place. He may be contacted at (406)
243-4586 or tom.power@mso.umt.edu.
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